East Kurdistan and the Israeli-Iranian War

As the exchange of strikes between Israel and Iran continues since the Israeli airstrike on Iran on June 13, which resulted in the deaths of senior military commanders and the destruction of parts of Iran’s military arsenal and nuclear facilities, attention is increasingly turning to the situation of ethnic groups within Iran. There is much speculation about how these groups will respond to the current war’s effects and repercussions, as well as their stance on potential scenarios that could unfold if the conflict persists and escalates—possibly leading to the fall of the Iranian regime and the disintegration of the current state.

Many research and analysis centers are actively examining Iran’s diverse ethnic and geographical landscape. These studies highlight the regions where specific peoples and ethnicities form the majority of the population, along with historical overviews of the conditions faced by these groups. They also address the policies of repression, marginalization, and denial of rights and cultural identity that these communities have endured throughout the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

History and Struggle of the Kurds in Eastern Kurdistan

The current focus on Kurdish nationalism, as well as the geography and history of Eastern Kurdistan, remains highly relevant. These are the regions and cities where Kurds form the majority of the population. Historically, they are known as the eastern part of Kurdistan, which was annexed to Iranian territory after the Battle of Chaldiran between the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid Empire in 1514. This division was formalized in the Treaty of Qasr-e Shirin, signed by the Ottomans and Safavids in 1639, ending 150 years of war and conflict between the two powers.

Eastern Kurdistan covers an area of approximately 175,000 square kilometers. Due to the lack of reliable and official data, estimates suggest that the Kurdish population across all Iranian provinces exceeds 15 million, constituting about 17% of Iran’s total population. Eastern Kurdistan includes five provinces: Urmia, Sanandaj, Kermanshah, Ilam, and the Lekanshahr lands of Lorestan Province. However, according to the division adopted by the Iranian regime, Sanandaj and several associated cities (Saqqez, Baneh, Marivan, Piran, Bijar, Kamyaran, and Divan Dareh) were incorporated into a province established and named Kurdistan Province.

Since the suppression of the Samkuyi–Shekaki Revolt (1887–1930), Urmia Province was renamed West Azerbaijan Province during the reign of Shah Reza Pahlavi (1878–1944). All of this occurred at a time when Kurds constituted more than 70% of the population of that region[1].

The Kurds of Eastern Kurdistan also established the first Kurdish republic in modern history— the Republic of Kurdistan in Mahabad, led by Qazi Muhammad in 1946. However, this republic was dismantled by the Shah’s regime through military force.

The Kurdish political and armed struggle has continued since then, especially after the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, led by the Shiite cleric Imam Khomeini. The Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran emerged as a leading force in armed resistance. The Islamic revolutionary government employed military and intelligence tactics to suppress the KDP-I and eliminate Kurdish leaders, including the assassination of Abdul Rahman Qaslamo, the party’s president, in Vienna in 1989, and his successor, Sadeq Sharafkandi, in Berlin in 1992.

In 2004, the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK) was founded, initiating a new phase of armed struggle and nationalist awakening in the regions and provinces of Eastern Kurdistan. PJAK gained significant popularity, especially among youth and women. Thousands of Kurdish men and women from across Eastern Kurdistan joined its armed wing. The party also operates abroad among the Kurdish diaspora. Its platform advocates for transforming Iran into a democratic state, decentralizing governance in Eastern Kurdistan, and recognizing the rights and identities of all ethnic and religious groups within Iran.

The Kurdish Position on the Israeli-Iranian War

Amid questions about the stance of Iran’s ethnic groups regarding the war between Israel and the Islamic regime in Tehran, and the anticipation of the Kurdish position and the response of political movements that have been struggling within the Kurdish ranks for many years, several Kurdish parties issued statements and positions to clarify their perspectives on the ongoing events. These efforts aimed to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the developments and analyze the crisis from a structural perspective, bringing everyone back to the root of the problem: the totalitarian regime that has ruled Iran for decades, creating an obvious impasse in all aspects of life through its exclusionary policies, monopolization of power, and authoritarian rule.

It was noted that the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK) was the first Kurdish Iranian party to conduct a comprehensive assessment of the situation and developments, presenting an advanced vision for the possibility of an internal solution—thus addressing the deep internal crisis and the confrontation with regional states and axes. This confrontation was originally a result of the policies of the Iranian regime, its interventions in the region, and its insistence on playing external roles based on the old ideology of “exporting the Islamic Revolution.” This was compounded by its tightening grip domestically and its ongoing suppression of opposition, reform demands, and calls for freedom and change.

On June 14, the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK) issued a statement analyzing the state of war and the exchange of strikes between Israel and Iran. It emphasized that what is required now is unity among Kurdish forces, parties, and actors in eastern Kurdistan, coordination to protect and defend the Kurdish people against all dangers, adherence to decentralization, and the “third way”—rejecting external interference and its agendas, and refusing to submit to or defend the oppressive regime or to reinforce its rule. The statement also indicated that Israel’s strikes target the capabilities built by the Iranian regime, and that Iran’s response remains weak and does not match Israel’s military strength. It continued that what is happening is the result of the Iranian regime’s policies of foreign interference, internal repression, ongoing executions, persecution of activists, and suppression of democracy, the rule of law, and freedoms.

The party clarified that the happiness of the Iranian people with weakening and fragmentation of the regime does not imply approval of military attacks or external efforts for change. It expressed its reliance on the democratic struggle of the Iranian people and rejected the war imposed from abroad against the interests of these peoples. It stated its intention to develop the democratic movement originating from within the masses, exemplified by the “Women, Life, Freedom” uprising. The party also called on the people of eastern Kurdistan and all Iranian peoples to organize themselves democratically, defending and protecting the Kurds within the framework of the right to legitimate self-defense. It emphasized the need to form local committees to support those affected by the war, care for the wounded, and establish democratic local governance structures to serve citizens and lift restrictions imposed by authorities[2].

On June 16, Peyman Vian, co-chair of PJAK, stated that the current crisis is primarily the result of the regime’s adherence to exclusionary and tyrannical policies, its refusal to open up to its people, and its continued suppression of all manifestations of freedom and expression. She pointed out that the Kurdish people are among the most organized in Iran, demanding their rights and recognition of their identity—far from the secessionist rhetoric promoted by the regime and its affiliates. She emphasized that, with their will, organizational awareness, and popular support, the Kurds will be the most significant force for change in Iran[3].

Siyamand Muini, a member of PJAK’s leadership council, considered the weakening of the Iranian regime an opportunity for the Kurdish people and all Iranians to expand their democratic struggle and cooperate to create a foundation for democratic change, opening the door to freedoms and political participation. He called on Kurdish parties and forces to unite and coordinate their positions to be prepared for any potential change, so they could effectively protect and defend the Kurdish people against all threats[4].

The Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iran (KDP-I) regarded the Israeli attack as a consequence of the policies of interference and repression by the regime. It stated that the solution lies in overthrowing this regime and its legacy. Similarly, the Kurdish Komala Party emphasized that change must originate from within Iranian society and cannot be imposed externally. It urged the Iranian people and communities to organize and act collectively to overthrow the dictatorial regime and establish a pluralistic democratic alternative that recognizes all identities and particularities[5].

Conclusion

The Kurdish stance (derived from statements and declarations by Kurdish parties and forces) regarding the ongoing confrontation between Israel and Iran, and the potential for change within the country—whether through the overthrow of the regime or the emergence of an internal movement to topple it—is based on several Kurdish principles and assumptions:

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