Amid the randomness occurring in the market of “arguments” to respond to the opponents of the authority – those who reject the dominance of the emerging religious state and the methods of empowering the jihadist faction, known for its history and thinking – comes the accusation of “minority alliance” that targets components of the Syrian people. Their national forces, as well as their natural way of life and collective mindset, reject what is happening in Syria: Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham’s swallowing of the state, and the effects of the legacy of recent months of massacres and horrific violations that affected the coast, Damascus, and Suwayda alike.<\/p>\n
Among all the arsenal of accusations targeting opponents and adversaries of the authority, the discourse of collective betrayal charges against the “minority alliance” stands out, often coming from the pens and mouths of “media figures and politicians” who are themselves sons of these same “minorities” – tools of the false symbolic sectarianism that the authority has habitually resorted to since entering Damascus and becoming preoccupied with structuring that “factional state.”<\/p>\n
Throwing this major accusation at Syrian components is not only based on the aspect of “minorities'” hostility to the change that toppled Bashar al-Assad’s regime, describing these “minorities” as “remnants” who were beneficiaries of the previous regime, but aims to corner these “minorities” into a position of hostility toward the Sunni majority, which the authority is racing against time to control and confiscate all its national political and intellectual manifestations, thereby shackling it with the Salafi-jihadist “variant” and implicating it in all the sins, violations, and crimes committed by the authority’s groups over the past months.<\/p>\n
The authority wants to create a massive entrenchment process, by cornering Syrian components – those it calls “minorities” – on one side hostile to the state it is busy building, and the Sunni majority in another category, which is the category of mobilization and incitement behind the authority of “Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham” as the one representing the state and center here, and the one that gained official Arab and American acceptance, even Israeli acceptance that it is the “official Syrian party” that Israel does not mind sitting with and concluding a “security agreement” that guarantees the security of the Golan and keeps the southern Syrian provinces stripped of sovereignty and free of heavy weapons!<\/p>\n
In the midst of criminalizing “minorities” by talking about their alliance with each other, and their “betrayal” of the Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham state through their contact with the outside, and inciting the “majority” against them, the authority proceeds (which no one remembers anymore that it is, according to that constitutional declaration, transitional and temporary, and reminding of this fact has become a damnable act in Arab media serving its policies and narrative) in shaping the country in all political, economic, and social aspects according to what it sees fit, excluding all established political forces and parties and thousands of elites, competencies, and cadres who fought the previous dictatorship and spent long years in prisons and detention centers, or were excluded and isolated.<\/p>\n
The exclusion affects Syrian elites from the Sunni majority, in order to prevent them from advancing to the front ranks of forces opposing this authority’s policy, brandishing the “national card” in its face, and showing the dangers of the sectarian discourse that it holds and adheres to in the face of all Syrians seeking to achieve a state of citizenship, law, and institutions according to democratic mechanisms used in the world.<\/p>\n
The authority of “Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham” and its allies from the factions of the “Victory Declaration Conference,” with their Salafi-jihadist reference, who enjoy only an isolated microscopic presence within Syrian Sunni society, want to confiscate the will of the largest Syrian component by resorting to consolidating the dangerous non-national sectarian discourse. The discourse of “us” and “the other.” That is, moving forward with the methodology of armed confrontation and civil war, relying on regional and international actors, and more acceptance of the functional role, in order to preserve rule and control.<\/p>\n
The authority aims, through its policy of inciting and provoking the Arab Sunni component (sometimes through “general mobilization” and at other times through “tribal rallying”), to escape from the reality that it, and no one else, is the “minority” within Syrian society in general, and within Syrian Sunni society in particular. Therefore, it has no right to claim to represent the majority in Syria and confiscate the country and its people’s future based on a forged and distorted narrative that relies on confiscating the Syrian Sunni voice and criminalizing Syrian voices from other components.<\/p>\n
The authority of the Salafi-jihadist minority represented by “Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham” and its allies from the political Islam spectrum continues to cling to its functional collaborative role, to consolidate its rule through a series of measures threatening the unity of Syria’s land and people, including maintaining the amazing reconciliatory “cocktail” (jihadist, Baathist, Turanist!), managing the state with iron and fire, and using excessive violence that led to violations and horrific massacres on the coast, in the interior, and in Suwayda against Syrian Alawites, Christians, and Druze, whose only crime was being different and dissenting from the doctrine of the Organization and its partners – that foreign doctrine alien to Syria’s heritage and history.<\/p>\n
The minority faction’s program is based on creating more cracks and fractures between the components of the Syrian people, and inciting them against each other, thinking that it will succeed in attracting the Sunni component around its small isolated core, and emerge from the coming grinding civil war, “the war of all against all,” victorious through employing the logic of coercion and force, because it is capable of using the “majority” in its war, which it calls, and will call, falsely and slanderously, “the state’s war against remnants and separatists.”<\/p>\n
Helping it achieve this destructive goal is Arab media (especially Gulf media), which has once again entrenched itself with a totalitarian violent authority against an oppressed people, exactly as it did in the eighties when it blindly supported Saddam Hussein’s regime in his war against the Iranian regime, overlooking all the massacres and crimes he committed against the Iraqi people, all under the pretext of supporting the “necessary leader” regime in his war, which Saddam marketed along with Arab media as the battle to defend “the eastern gateway of the Arab nation”!<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Amid the randomness occurring in the market of “arguments” to respond to the opponents of the authority – those who reject the dominance of the emerging religious state and the methods of empowering the jihadist faction, known for its history and thinking – comes the accusation of “minority alliance” that targets components of the Syrian […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1249,"featured_media":6344,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_crdt_document":"","jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":[],"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_social_meta":[],"jnews_override_counter":[],"jnews_post_split":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[16,61],"tags":[1007,593,908,907,40],"ppma_author":[904],"class_list":["post-6343","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","category-slider","tag-bashar-al-assad","tag-damascus","tag-hayat-tahrir-al-sham","tag-suwayda","tag-syria"],"authors":[{"term_id":904,"user_id":1249,"is_guest":0,"slug":"tariq-hamo","display_name":"Tariq Hemo","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/08\/Tariq-Hamo-2.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/08\/Tariq-Hamo-2.jpg"},"0":null,"1":"","2":"","3":"","4":"","5":"","6":"","7":"","8":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6343","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1249"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6343"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6343\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6345,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6343\/revisions\/6345"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6344"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6343"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6343"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6343"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6343"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}