In 1899, that same year which saw the abrupt discovery of Tel Halaf, the village of Hasaka was proposed to play an important a role in Kaiser Wilhelm II’s long-sought and meteorically rising ‘Germany’s Place in the Sun.’<\/p>\n
The Great War would pass Kaiser’s idea into the hands of the British, in strikingly similar a manner in which Hasaka had, in the years preceding the war, passed into the hands of wandering nomads.<\/p>\n
Not a great deal of information is available about Hasaka, a city which lays claim to remote antiquity, and which was made into a dreary wilderness by Tamerlane back in 1401. This article attempts to explicate mysteries engulfing an era of history that has been largely ignored.<\/p>\n
The fact is, Hasaka is more of a mystery to the general public and to the student of history than any other city of equal importance in Syria’s Kurdish north. No one could claim (at least until now) to possess full acquaintance with the area nor the exact knowledge of human occupation of Hasaka.<\/p>\n
Sad to say, not only the precise date of the coming into existence of the city is a vague one, the appellation in itself seems to be veiled in obscurity, as a variety of conjectures have been cited ever since.<\/p>\n
Prettily situated at the confluence of Hirmas and Khabur, at the southern extremity of Upper Mesopotamia, in an extraordinarily strategically important, highly agriculturally fertile, and incredibly archeologically dense area, Hasaka, which dominated the whole surrounding area, must have served as a lightning rod for a great empire.<\/p>\n
Commercially, it was a hub on the junction of two roads; north-south (Nusaybin- Busayra) via Sifaya, and east- west Ras al-Ain (Sere Kaniye) – Sinjar (Shingal) via Tel Bizara, sandwiched between Mount Sinjar and Mount Kazwan (Abdul Aziz).<\/p>\n
Recent excavations have discovered Ayyubid discoveries in Tel Hasaka. The site could be traced back to the Hurrians, who contributed a culture of unique a character to the humanity at large. Yet, the Post- Ayyubid history of Hasaka seems to be a sort of blood and fire.<\/p>\n
Janghis Khan, Hulago, and Tamerlane were unstoppable savage subjugators, who destroyed the ancient glories of Mesopotamia. Similarly, the Ottomans, under the false pretense of an Islamic bond, completed the ravages of Tamerlane, and made Kurdish abodes the most desolate and dreary a country.<\/p>\n
Elsewhere, not unrelatedly, in the thousand years which had elapsed since Islam was first preached, the religion of Bedouins had lapsed into paganism. In Dar’iya, the very same valley, which had seen the rise to the call of Musailama the Liar, a “revivalist” under the name of Mohamed bin Abdul Wahab, was now commissioned to reform Islam.<\/p>\n
By 1810, the fanatical Wahabis were in full control of the vast country stretching from the Red Sea to the Persian Gulf, and from the Indian Ocean to the Syrian Desert. Shammar, who stretched the Wahhabist rules, would be kicked out of their confines. On the heels of their archrivals, the pen of the historian narrates that the year 1807 saw Wahhabists on the confines of Deir Ezzor.<\/p>\n
The defeat of Wahhabis by Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt, in 1818, would have far- reaching consequences on Kurds. Wahhabism as a movement was botched, but effectively not killed.<\/p>\n
Quite much the same as the modern-day Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (ISIS), it was territorially defeated but ideologically, the dogma kept expanding, like a reptile that would rise its head from time to time, and hit hard.<\/p>\n
Yet aside from Wahhabist poisonous weeds, which would grow in abundance, it would, in consequence, cast on the lands of the Kurds strange elements.<\/p>\n
This may on the surface seem irrelevant, yet it lies, to all intents and purposes, at the core of our subject. In essence, radical Islam, since it was first preached, lies at the fulcrum of Kurdish dilemma. The events of that day would change the course of history.<\/p>\n
Conceding difficulty in obtaining literature concerning the epoch under consideration, the history of Hasaka is not a kind of kul de sac<\/em> subject as it may seem at the first glance. The earliest available record of the area could be traced back to late 16 century.<\/p>\n Not without proof, in the largely tribal milieu of the day, the Kurds – sedentary and transhumant – were the unchallenged masters of whole Jazira. This, loud and clear, includes the very same periphery in which the future city of Hasaka would come into existence.<\/p>\n Annals of the year 1598 disclose that Mir Mohamed, the Kurdish district chief of the Sanjak of Khabur, which extended up to Mount Kaukab, revolts against the central authorities in Constantinople. This seems to be the earliest document we have so far as Hasaka is concerned, though not directly mentioned.<\/p>\n Nearly two centuries later, in a cutting-edge study, German historian, Stefan Winter, discloses that the Sublime Porte in February 1758 warned the governors of Raqqa and Baghdad of a terrible calamity if Mahmoud and the Millan were not quickly expelled from the Khabur. This is groundbreaking.<\/p>\n Incontestably, commissioning both Raqqa and Baghdad to bring Mahmoud into subservience, suggests the latter was the sole master of the land in between. The Millan at the time were still purely Kurdish. Additionally, the reason that lies behind the firman is quite telling.<\/p>\n Mahmoud stepped on the Porte’s toes by seizing the grain stores in Tel Majdal and clapping the wings of both the Tay Arabs and the Kikan Kurds. Yet Mahmoud’s long- term project in the area seems to have hit the alarm bell at Constantinople.<\/p>\n Strikingly enough, Mahmoud, being ahead of the curve, began to build small villages and farms in the surrounding area, and floated plans to dam Khabur, divert water, cultivate land, and take the sole possession of the whole region.<\/p>\n Tel Majdal is on the right bank of Khabur, about four miles from the ridge of Kazwan, and four miles above Tel Mijarja,’ somewhat a stone’s throw from Tel Hasaka, whose countless molehill-shaped mounds bear witness to a great culture of long ago.<\/p>\n Though information are murky, yet in all probability, the fortress was erected on Tel Hasaka, for it was within the Millan’s jurisdiction, and a Fulda Gap that ought to be bridged. Remnants of an old bridge spanning Khabur just beneath Tel Hasaka, puts the idea into confirmation.<\/p>\n While the tel<\/em> of Hasaka posed itself for monitoring and defense purposes, it is also all probable that Mahmoud’s idea of hamlets and farms, making aqueducts to divert the flow of Khabur was put into effect further west, somewhere between Tel Hasaka and Tel Majdal.<\/p>\n Mahmoud’s daring (rather reckless) ambitious scheme deprived him of his title as Settlement Official, and cost his life. The project was almost destined to fail. His fortress was razed to the ground. Yet, on the whole, the uncanny mishap seems to have brought no considerable change in the politics of the ever turbulent yet much coveted area.<\/p>\n In 1790, the Millan-led heterogenous confederation would see light under Tamir Bey – who would allegedly give his name to Tel Tamr. One striking circumstance needs to be noticed of the years spanning 1790- 1850, is that we have an interregnum of information.<\/p>\n In mid-19 century, archeologists and travelers were drawn to the Khabur region to explore areas hitherto never or slightly explored. The first discoveries were recorded by the British historian, Henry Layard, who, in April 1850, visited the encampment of the Millan and Kikan Kurds, on the conjunction of Khabur-Hirmas. His visit to Tel Majdal introduces him to traces of a former settlement.<\/p>\n Three years after Layard’s journey to Hasaka, war would rage in Crimea, by the result of which, Sultan Abdul Aziz would find himself in possession of Circassian refugees, who were thrown on the land of the Caliphate bag and baggage.<\/p>\n It is notedly in the time of Abdul Aziz that Turkist and Islamist ideas began to gain ground. Strangely enough, it could arguably be said that the foundation stone of Young Turks was laid down during his reign.<\/p>\n By and large, Abdul Aziz and Ottoman officials sought to break up the power of Kurdish chiefs, most notable the Millan confederation, which had become, by all appearances, a state within a state.<\/p>\n The Kurds would suffer under Abdul Aziz. Curtailing the Eyalet of Kurdistan, which was centered in Amed, well attests to the claim. The seeds of evil would grow on Kurdish soil, which would put the Kurds between Scylla and Charybdis.<\/p>\n In 1862, Omar Pasha of Aleppo, who had defected the Russian army and joined the Ottomans, invades Deir Ezzor. The Circassian installs Arslan Pasha in the government of that tiny village.<\/p>\n Sequentially, that same year, Farhan, Sheikh of Shammar was given the rank of Pasha. This was at the expense of merits formerly enjoyed by Anazeh Arabs, who were, in turn, shoved to the north. The new reality dislodged the Adwan from Palmyra to the Kurdish north.<\/p>\n The Ottoman Government essentially sought to provincialize the Shammar in Deir Ezzor. First to tame it, and second to employ its warring skills. In a meeting held in Aleppo, in 1864, the Vali of Kurdistan makes a proposal to set up a kishla to help secure the Chol (Ras al-Ain, Khabur, Viransehir, Sinjar, and partially Tel Afar).<\/p>\n Arslan sets a policing post in Hasaka. It manning, sad and quite ironic to say, was entrusted to Shammar. Abbas Bey, the very same governor of Chol (desert) had advised.<\/p>\n Some time back, in 1866, Circassian refugees had arrived in thousands in Ras al-Ain, purportedly to serve as break water against Arab brigands. However, quite sarcastically, gamekeeper would turn to poacher. The Pandora’s box, at this moment, opens up.<\/p>\n Every which way, Jazira, was made a hotbed of plunderers, who could easily hit and rapidly vanish into the desert. Layard remarks it is only under such a government as that of Turkey that this country could remain a wilderness.<\/p>\n From an administrative point of view, the Vilayet Law (January 21, 1867), which replaced the medieval Eyalet System, reorganized the provinces within the empire. It would have the most salutary effects on the future of Kurdistan as a whole and that of Hasaka in particular.<\/p>\n Throughout 1870s, we have no resources on Hasaka. However, with the rising German interests in the lands of the caliphate, German agents and diplomats, thereupon, began to travel extensively in the lands of the Caliphate and call the attention to its potentialities.<\/p>\n In 1882, orientalist Eduard Sachau, who dares not navigate the challenge to reach Hasaka, makes the note “I was unable to ascertain further details about these villages. I only learned that Elhasece was a tel<\/em> upon which stood a large house made of clay bricks, and a barracks. But now, this Kasr (schloss) is kharab, i.e., is in ruins.”<\/p>\n The identification of Sachau’s “schloss” with Winter’s “Burg” is further strengthened by an additional discovery made by the 20 th century French archeologist Antoine Poidebard that trial trenches at Tel Hasaka revealed walls dating to the Roman era.<\/p>\n Based on Ottoman material of the period, Winter confirms Mahmoud, in line with the spirit of the age, had built a Burg <\/em>in a kharab. However, be that it may, two critically important things cannot be ignored here take place.<\/p>\n In 1885, the governor of Deir Ezzor asks the government to establish a kishla there. Three years later, apparently to meet this end, Viransehir, which had served as part of Deir Ezzor is attached to Diyar Bakr. Valiant efforts would bear fruit.<\/p>\n In August 1893, German diplomat, and one of the most controversial figures ever, Max Freiherr von Oppenheim, crosses the Khabur to lay eye on a 20-meters high hill, on top of which perches a kishla, “manned by few police men from the Vilayet of Diyarbakir, and who lived with their families outside the station in small houses made of reeds and mud.<\/p>\n This is momentously an epochal shift. Hasaka would, in a very life- changing decade, transform into a village, of which information is akin to nothing. Hasaka, however, ought not to be jumbled with Kaukab, an embryonic nahiya where Sharabeen, Jubur, and Shammar Arabs were to settle down.<\/p>\n Six years later, while the finishing touches were being put on the concession, Deutsche Bank sends Oppenheim (now attach\u00e9 in Cairo) to determine, so far as possible, the best line for the Berlin- Baghdad Railway (Bagdadbahn) in the stretch between Aleppo and Mosul.<\/p>\n Following a brief meeting with Ibrahim Pasha (November 1899), presumably to get permit, the diplomat embarks on a journey that would completely change the prospects of his own life, when he discovers (November 19) Tel Halaf of Subarians, once the sole masters of the region.<\/p>\n Four days after that date, Oppenheim makes the discovery of a different character at the Hirmas- Khabur confluence; the Village of Hasaka. Oppenheim is the first and quite the only European who calls Hasaka a village. Was Oppenheim laying it on thick?<\/p>\n On the surface, this could ring true, yet when all is said and done, the fact of the truth is that Oppenheim, of all the European travelers, gives the most accurate finer a detail of the Levant. This is not, however, very difficult a question to resolve.<\/p>\n Surprisingly, the last decade of the 19 century is exceedingly transformative for the politics of Jazira. Events of the day help create a clear picture and investigate the forces shaping such a change.<\/p>\n First, the 1890s, is exceptionally characterized as the land- grabbing decade, where many arid a land was brought into cultivation. In 1896 two water wheels (norias) are being built on Khabur.<\/p>\n Coming to the realization that water wheels were not intended (at least solely) for watering cattle, indicates quite reasonably that a community was to engage (if not already engaged) in agriculture.<\/p>\n Quite of relevance, in 1891, Kikan and Khalajan Kurds, among others, are reported settled in sub-districts of Milli, Khalajan, Kikan, and Daqqouri, which were now made villages. While the scope of their extension remains unclear, Khalajan is dependent on Sinjar (1870-76), and then on Viransehir in 1876.<\/p>\n Presuming that Daqqouri Kurds have always lived between Amuda and Sifaya, we ought to remember that in 1850, both Millan and Kikan were encamped close to Tel Hasaka.<\/p>\n This all happens in the wake of request made (1888) by mutasarif of Deir Ezzor to police Tel Hasaka, to help control Arab brigands and commit tribes to agriculture, part of a broad newly adopted policy. The notion was that once agriculture was established, nomads would either be induced (settled down) or forced to leave.<\/p>\n No one but Ibrahim Pasha could navigate such a challenge. He grasped the importance of agriculture. According to Oppenheim, Ibrahim Pasha had a history of building new settlements. Suluk, south of Orfa, bears his imprints. The two norias erected on Khabur seem but to complete the picture.<\/p>\n Second, in a quite nomadic milieu, surplus produce such as cheese, yoghurt, butter, and wool, needed marketing (largely in-kind transactions). This was done through Christian peddlers, who were on good terms with the Jubur, who were among the first Arabs to engage in agriculture.<\/p>\n Oppenheim asserts his friend, Ibrahim Pasha, induced Muslim and Christian traders alike. He recognized the importance of identifying and influencing key figures. In contradiction to the established misconceptions about the role of Kurdish groups in anti- Christian pogroms of 1895, the Millans were protective of Christians.<\/p>\n Third, and most important of all, up to the 15 th century, the Mesopotamian Valley was the heart of the Eastern trade. It was a long ago since the commerce desert route via Taurus, Seruj, Tel Halaf, Tel Hasaka, Sinjar was abandoned. The Berlin- Baghdad Railway was to inject spirit into this route, which did not appeal to Great Powers of Europe.<\/p>\n The railway must have, in the extremes, greased the wheel of Hasaka as a future settlement in late 1890s- early1900s. William Brice illustrates how the project put spirit into life, “the railway laid just before First World War, made farming more secure and more profitable.”<\/p>\n The scheme was double-barreled; political and commercial. Of later, the Germans had secured the mineral rights for 20 kilometers on either side of the railway track. Pacification campaigns against Yazidis of Sinjar, in 1892, and against Shammar and Circassians in 1892 and again in 1896, are part of the process.<\/p>\n The territory served by the project within the Millan’s jurisdiction was one of the most undeveloped regions of the world. Yet it had the riches of Mesopotamia, which was now grabbing attention owing to it rich deposits.<\/p>\n Off his 1893 exploration journey, Oppenheim’s going to Hasaka is seemingly not a shot in the dark. Once he arrives, he voices no surprise, nor he gives details in the least, yet he seems to breathe a sigh of relief. “I halted finally in the village of Hesseche.” Yet quite unfortunately, he does not get the word out about the racial background of the village.<\/p>\n However, to know that Viransehir was in 1885 detached from Deir Ezzor, and instead attached to Diyar Bakr, and that the Hasaka kishla was manned in 1893 by men from Diyar Bakr, a center of Kurdish population, and that Viransehir was the closest, and apparently the most important, metropolis to Hasaka, suggest, in most probability, were Kurds.<\/p>\n In December 1907, Oppenheim’s countrymen, Ernst Herzfeld and Friedrich Sarre, catch sight of Hasaka. No mention of a village is made. The observation is not entirely incorrect.<\/p>\n Herzfeld makes a fine point of “somewhat more heavily guarded” Oppenheim’s 1893 kishla. No denial is made of the village. Yet the story has, however, a sequel to tell.<\/p>\n “We had wished to visit this point. We could not however persuade the boatman, through any promises, to take us that far downstream in his boats, and without a boat, the deep and voluminous river, which may be 100 meters wide, is impassable,” he remarked.<\/p>\n From afar, the kishla obscured the view of the village. Yet at the same time, Herzfeld puts the word about a mail service in Hasaka. This is, by no means, a significant development.<\/p>\n In 1908, Hasaka is made a qasaba (a place of strategic importance) and the kishla is apparently enlarged and further fortified. Yet that same year, Abdul Hamid’s reign is curtailed. In July, his friend, Ibrahim Pasha, blows a Turkish force and Arab tribes out of the water, reportedly on Mount Abdul Aziz.<\/p>\n Pressed by the Abdul Hamid’s successors, the Young Turks, the Pasha, leaves for Sinjar, but succumbs to illness\/injuries near Tel Hasaka. The Millans enjoyed a considerable popularity, and their reign was neither undisputed nor uninterrupted, until it was curtailed once for all.<\/p>\n This made Circassians of Ras al-Ain \u2013 with the support of al-Saf’s Turkish kaymakam – an affliction on territory from Mount Tektek to Mount Sinjar.<\/p>\n By this time, the track of Bagdadbahn from Ras al-Ain to Mosul, which had become the talk of the town, had to undergo a slight yet life- altering change as far as Hasaka is concerned.<\/p>\n “From Hasaka, remarks Brice, “there was an easy way along the Upper Khabur to join the Kurdish escarpment route at Ras al-Ain.” However, a hard-to-break challenge arose in the section between Hasaka and Sinjar, where the rocky nature of land encumbered the project to go ahead. Hasaka was now to be dropped.<\/p>\n With regard to honesty, we do not have slightest inkling about Hasaka in 1910s. Yet the wrath of nature (Great Snow, 1911 and cholera, 1912), and the Balkan War, must have all taken a great toll on Hasaka. To discover that during Sachau’s journey the inhabitants of Shedade left home, owing to cold, could quite make sense, and bring an abstract hypothesis into a concrete idea.<\/p>\n During the Great War 1914-1918, aside from the kishla, no slightest an inkling of Hasaka is available. At this moment, we ought to know why everyone stakes out the claim to Hasaka.<\/p>\n Not backed up by evidence, and grounded in the chief in orally-transmitted narratives and folktales, a number of (Kurdish, Arab) conjectures are cited, so far as the derivation of Hasaka in concerned.<\/p>\n First, the ever- since and never- changing undisputed Arab and Syriac adage runs that Hasaka derives its name from a plant (tribulus) that grows in abundance on the bank of Khabur.<\/p>\n However, several accounts of the day reveal that the banks of Khabur and Hirmas were belted with poplars, reeds, low tamarisk scrub, and brushwood, but not tribulus, which thrives in dry climate locations.<\/p>\n Besides, the tel being a kind of FOB, which underwent repeated changes, rules out the idea of having tribulus grown atop. Moreover, to the east of Tel Hasaka, there is a hill called Tel Abu Bakr, which by no means is called after certain Abu Bakr. With that in mind, Tel Hasaka is highly ruled-out to be named after a plant.<\/p>\n Second, a first Kurdish claim is, however, that Hasaka derives its name from Hisk\u00ea, an alleged Yazidi advisor to Ibrahim Pasha. This one seems plausible, but lacks evidence. Historically, Hisk\u00ea is never committed to written literature.<\/p>\n A second claim maintains the appellation is derived from the Yazidi tribe of Heska (sometimes Heskani). This one cannot be ignored. But it needs to be brought under light.<\/p>\n In the time of the Ottomans, Heska tribesmen were employed as occasional shepherds by other tribes, whose grazing lands centered chiefly in the periphery of Lake Khatouniye and al-Hol. However, the fact that Heska is pronounced differently from Heseke – which cannot be corruption of time \u2013 keep the discussion ongoing.<\/p>\n While Stefan Winter tends to let the cat out of the bag, and close the discussion, the two Kurdish claims, if they are true, could in all logicality, be particularly more applicable to Gir\u00ea Hesk\u00ea, a hill village somewhere in Darbasiye.<\/p>\n At the leading edge, Ottoman 16-17 centuries cadaster record a small tribal block of Hesekiye Kurds in the countryside of Homs. While Hesekiye breed sheep and buffalo, they are employed most importantly as tax collectors, whose money went directly to the Sultan’s family.<\/p>\n Unfortunately, Hesekiye disappear from official documents after 1646. Whether Hesekiye had a sub- tribal affiliation in Tel Hasaka at the very same time, or the very same Hesekiye might have migrated there thereafter, is unknown.<\/p>\n Yet, it must be borne in mind that, up to recent time, Yazidis were no strangers to Central Syria. Should Hesekiye have migrated, the tortuous course of Khabur, must have best suited their sheep and buffalo.<\/p>\n To do him justice, Winter makes no connection between Hesekiye Kurds and Tel Hasaka. Yet knowing that the ‘ye’ seems to be a suffix that precedes a noun, and that Oppenheim’s version of Tel Hasaka is Heseke, which the “Bedouins of the area make it al-Hasetsche,” makes it all probable that Hesekiye is the very same Heseke. Yet the door to Hasaka (history and derivation) is not tightly closed, and remains somewhat slightly ajar.<\/p>\n So ends not the story of a speck on the horizon of a vast yet decrepit empire, best described by the French who arrived there in May 1922 to find “few miserable sun-dried and brick-made houses, surrounded by a number of Bedouin tents,” telling somewhat what it had endured during the war, the result of which put no roses back into its cheeks.<\/p>\n Selected References:<\/p>\n -Anthony Comfort, the Roman Frontier with Persian in North- Eastern Mesopotamia, Archaeopress Roman Archaeology 96.<\/p>\n -Austen Henry Layard, Discoveries among the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon with Travels in Armenia, Kurdistan, and the Desert, 1871.<\/p>\n -Canon J. T. Parfit, Mesopotamia the Key to the Future, Hodder, Stoughton, London New York Toronto.<\/p>\n -Charles Keith Maisels, the Near East, Archology in the Cradle of Civilization, 1993.<\/p>\n -Edward Mead Earle, Turkey, Great Powers, and the Bagdad Railway, a Study in Imperialism, the Macmillan Company 1924.<\/p>\n -Eduard Sachau, Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1883.<\/p>\n -Fredrich Sarre und Ernst E. Herzfeld, Archaologische Reise Im Euphrat- Und Tigris- Gebiet, V I, Berlin, 1911.<\/p>\n -Janet Klein, The Margins of Empire, Kurdish Militias in the Ottoman Tribal Zone, Stanford University Press, 2011.<\/p>\n -Lady Anne Blunt, Bedouin Tribes of the Euphrates, New York, 1879.<\/p>\n -Max von Oppenheim, Tell Halaf, A New Culture in Oldest Mesopotamia, London and New York, G.P. Putnam’s Sons.<\/p>\n -Max von Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer Zum Persischen Golf, Durch Den Hauran, Die Syrieche Wuste Und Mesopopamien. V II, Berlin 1900.<\/p>\n -Nelida Fuccaro, Aspects of the social and political history of the Yazidi enclave of Jabal Sinjar (Iraq) under the British mandate, 1919-1932, Durham University 1995.<\/p>\n -Patrick John Adamiak, To the Edge of the Desert: Caucasian Refugees, Civilization, and Settlement on the Ottoman Frontier, 1866-1918.<\/p>\n -T. H. Greenshields, The Settlement of Armenian Refugees in Syria and Lebanon, 1915-1939. 1978.<\/p>\n -Vladimir Hamed- Troyansky, Imperial Refugee: Resettlement of Muslims from Russia in the Ottoman Empire, 1860- 1914, 2018.<\/p>\n -William Brice, A Systematic Regional Geography, South East Asia, University of London.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" In 1899, that same year which saw the abrupt discovery of Tel Halaf, the village of Hasaka was proposed to play an important a role in Kaiser Wilhelm II’s long-sought and meteorically rising ‘Germany’s Place in the Sun.’ The Great War would pass Kaiser’s idea into the hands of the British, in strikingly similar a […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2634,"featured_media":14419,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_crdt_document":"","jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":[],"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_social_meta":[],"jnews_override_counter":[],"jnews_post_split":[],"footnotes":""},"categories":[16,61],"tags":[164,40],"ppma_author":[1155],"class_list":["post-14413","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analysis","category-slider","tag-hasaka","tag-syria"],"authors":[{"term_id":1155,"user_id":2634,"is_guest":0,"slug":"lazghine-yaqoube-1","display_name":"Lazghine Ya'qoube","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/Lazghine-Yaqoube.KCS_.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/05\/Lazghine-Yaqoube.KCS_.jpg"},"0":null,"1":"","2":"","3":"","4":"","5":"","6":"","7":"","8":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14413","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2634"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14413"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14413\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":14415,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14413\/revisions\/14415"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/14419"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14413"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14413"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14413"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/nlka.net\/eng\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=14413"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}